As you know –
although I’m sure you wouldn’t admit it in front of your drinking buddies –
there are few more enjoyable ways of spending a wet Queen’s Birthday holiday weekend
than by struggling to understand a book written in technical language that you
feel you should understand.
So it is with
Proportionality and the Rule of Law:
Rights, Justification, Reasoning (CUP, 2014), a collection of essays by 18 contributors, edited by Grant Huscroft, Bradley W Miller, and Grégoire Webber.
I can only
speak of the Introduction, as the book is rather expensive, and even the ebook
seems over-priced. At least Amazon gives us a free sample, which includes the
very excellent (as opposed to sort-of excellent?) Introduction by the editors.
So my little
game, if you think of it like that, is to translate into ordinary lawyers’
English the technical language of the Introduction. But beware of the risk that
I do this with a clarity born of misunderstanding.
“Proportionality”
has a range of meanings and can refer to a method or to a goal of decision-making.
I wouldn’t want to confuse it with other kinds of decision-making, such as
logic, formalism (the application of rules to facts), morality (what would be
the morally right decision), pragmatism (what result would work), although
there can be some overlap.
Balancing of
competing values is a proportionality method of decision-making. So is the
rather different ends/means balancing, but this can be seen as a method or as a
goal. Using reasonableness to limit what is acceptable is also a
proportionality method. Sometimes proportionality endangers rights, in balancing
them against other values, and sometimes it compromises moral values, where
what is right yields to a greater right or some greater interest.
What happens
to rights in proportionality reasoning can vary. Rights are not necessarily
eroded in the balancing process, which will usually recognise their enhanced
weight by virtue of their status as rights, but if an issue of limitation is
being considered then there is a risk of erosion if proportionality requires
that.
Proportionality
can require recognition of the autonomy and dignity of the person, and this may
guide the interpretation of legislation. Legislators, however, may have a
greater awareness of rights and social interests than do courts, so executive decisions
should be judged by their method rather than their outcome. This concern would
limit the role of proportionality reasoning. Indeed, it is arguable (although I
am not convinced by this) that proportionality is too abstract a method to be
of use to judges.
You could say
that morality is important and that proportionality reasoning is not a complete
method for judicial decision-making. There are risks attending proportionality
reasoning: irrelevancies may be taken into account, things that are doubtful
may be treated as certainties, a judge may yield too much to extraneous
determinations, aspects of the public good may be ignored, and a judge may have
resort to a personal political philosophy.
In their
conclusion to the Introduction the editors ask some pertinent questions, which the
essays apparently leave the reader to consider. I put these in my own words,
sacrificing the subtleties. Does proportionality erode rights? What about
absolute rights? Should judges take more account of the reasons that motivate
enactments? Should legislators, rather than the courts, use proportionality
reasoning? Where proportionality reasoning includes morality, does it prefer
some moral theories over others? How should the dangers of proportionality
reasoning by courts be overcome?